Classic introduction to the subject by the Italian activist.
(3)This work takes us back nearly sixty years, to a time when what is now a move ment of universal significance was in its infancy. Hegel and the Revolution of 1848; these are the points of departure. To the former, we owe the philosophic form of the socialist doctrine, to the latter, its practical activity as a movement. In the midst of the turmoil and strife and apparent defeat of those days two men, Marx andE ngels, exiled and without influ ence, betook themselves to their books and began laboriously to fashion the form and doctrine of the most powerful intellectual and political movement of all time. To the task they brought genius, scholarship, and a capacity for hard work and patient re search. In each of these qualities they were supreme.
(Typographical errors above are due to OCR software and don't occur in the book.)
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(1)The manuscript of The Modern School was found among Ferrer’s papers after his judicial murder in1909 account. In 1906, Ferrer had been arrested on the charge of complicity in Mateo Morral’s attempt to assassinate the King (he was the librarian at the Modern School) and was held in jail for a year, with the most scandalous efforts made, in the court and the country, to secure a judicial murder; but it was a civil (or civilised) trial, and the charge was contemptuously rejected. Going to the Pyrenees in the early summer of 1908 to recuperate, Ferrer determined to write the simple story of his school, and it is this that is now offered to English readers.
Francisco Ferrer began to formulate his educationalist ideas in parallel with the development of his anarchism. While a teacher of Spanish in France he began to see, by close observation, that the injustice and exploitation in society was not only the result of authoritarian educational methods, but also more importantly the result of what was taught by these authoritarian methods. Ferrer soon understood that as long as the education of children, the adults of tomorrow, was left in the hands of both the church and the ruling classes there would be no hope of attaining the libertarian society that he, as an anarchist, longed for. Reform of the existing school system, he thought, was futile. Explaining the working of this system in his little book La Escuela Moderna, published after his judicial murder, he wrote: “Education” means in practice domination or domestication. I do not imagine that these systems have not been put together with the deliberate aim of securing the desired results. That would be the work of a genius. But things have happened just as if the actual scheme of education corresponded ‘ to some vast and deliberate conception; it could not have been done better. To attain it teachers have inspired themselves solely with the principles of discipline and authority, which always appeal to social organisers; such men have only one clear idea and one will – the children must learn to obey, to believe, and to think according to the prevailing social dogmas. If this were the aim, education could not be other than we find it today. There is no question of promoting the spontaneous development of the child’s faculties, – or encouraging it to seek freely the satisfaction of the physical, intellectual and moral needs. There is question only of imposing ready-made ideas on it, of preventing it from ever thinking otherwise than is required for the maintenance of existing social institutions – of it, in a word, an individual‘ rigorously adapted to the social mechanism.”
And describing the teachers he wrote:
“…The teachers are merely conscious or unconscious organs of their (the ruling classes) will, and have been trained on their principles. From their tenderest years, and more drastically than anybody, they have endured the discipline of authority. Very few have escaped this despotic domination; they are generally powerless against ii, because they are oppressed by the scholastic organisation to such an extent that they have nothing to do but obey …”
He was, therefore, convinced that the only way to regenerate society was through a new system of education. An education Ferrer preferred to call rationalist, which we would call libertarian, free from all dogmas and systems whether they be religious, political, nationalistic, republican or what you will. To this end, on being left a substantial sum of money, Ferrer returned to Spain where, after much preparation, his school, La Escuela Moderna, was opened in Barcelona in September 1901.
(12)The underground cult bestseller! Essays redefining the psychogeographical nooks of autonomy. Recipes for poetic terror, anarcho-black magic, post-situ psychotropic surgery, denunciations of spiritual addictions to vapid infotainment cults—this is the bastard classic, the watermark impressed upon our minds. Where conscience informs praxis, and action infects consciousness, T.A.Z. continues to worm its way into above-ground culture. Second edition, with a new introductory essay by the author and additional appendical materials.
Over the course of a long career, Brian Morris has created an impressive body of engaging and insightful writings—from social anthropology and ethnography to politics, history, and philosophy—that is accessible to the layperson without sacrificing analytical rigor. But until now, the essays collected here, originally published in obscure journals and political magazines, have been largely unavailable to the broad readership to which they are so naturally suited. The opposite of arcane, specialized writing, Morris’s work takes an interdisciplinary approach that offers connections between various scholarly interests and anarchist politics and thought. There is a long history of anarchist writers drawing upon works in a range of fields, and Morris’s essays both explore past connections and suggest ways that broad currents of anarchist thought will have new and ever-emerging relevance for anthropology and many other ways of understanding social relationships.
(6)Nunzio Pernicone’s biography uses Carlo Tresca’s (1879-1943) storied life?as newspaper editor, labor agitator, anarchist, anti-communist, street fighter, and opponent of fascism?as a springboard to investigate Italian immigrant and radical communities in the United States. From his work on behalf of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the Sacco and Vanzetti Defense Committee, and his assassination on the streets of New York City, Tresca’s passion left a permanent mark on the American map.
This edition, both revised and expanded, provides new insight into the American labor movement and a unique perspective on the immigrant experience.
Nunzio Pernicone is a professor of history at Drexel University.
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David Friedman's The Machinery of Freedom argues for the extension of free market solutions into every area of life, from streets and roads to law enforcement. Friedman applies mainstream economic theory to everyday problems, brushes aside fallacious economic reasoning, and answers the most likely objections to make a formidable case for replacing state coercion with free and voluntary transactions.
Friedman examines the ethics of economic life and shows how property is essential to the maintenance of any society. He refutes misconceptions about the ethical consequences of property and contracts, especially those concerned with interest on capital and the distributive repercussions of recognizing people's property rights. He gives a clear analysis of the problem of monopoly, showing how attempts to create a monopoly without government help result in failure, and how government imposed monopoly helps a privileged group while hurting the general public.
Earlier editions of this work gave rise to a long-running debate among economists about the feasibility or desirability of turning police, courts, and law over to the voluntary arrangements of individuals. This new edition explores the latest wrinkles in these debates, and makes the case that law creation and enforcement can efficiently emerge from voluntary interactions.
(3)The neo-primitivist model.
(1)Nationwide campus surveys show that students today regard the 1960s as the most attractive, creative, and effective decade of the past century. Above all, the Sixties introduced an inspiring new radicalism—in truth, many new radicalisms, a visionary spirit, and a strong will to change society.
Recently, however, neo-conservatives, ex-radicals and boring academics have been doing their worst to trivialize and defame those vibrant years when "Freedom Now" and Solidarity were in the wind. Penelope Rosemont's lively first person account captures the true excitement, intellectual passion, high humor, and diversity of the era.
Her story begins in 1964 with the rowdy "Anti-Poetry Club" at Roosevelt University—a group that also included the IWW's Solidarity Bookshop, the journal Rebel Worker, and the legendary Gallery Bugs Bunny.
Among the very few Americans welcomed by André Breton into the Surrealist Group in Paris early in 1966, Penelope and her husband Franklin co-organized the Surrealist Group in Chicago later that year. They collaborated on surrealist publications in Paris, Prague, Amsterdam and many other places, as well as in several of Lawrence Ferlinghetti's City Lights anthologies. In Chicago, Paris, New York and London, they also visited old-time Wobblies, surrealists, anarchists, socialists and situationists.
In 1967 Penelope Rosemont joined the National Office Staff of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and took part in its strategies and actions. As a surrealist, and co-editor of the SDS theoretical journal, Radical America, she also played an important role in uniting a radical culture to a radical politics.
(2)Lucy Parsons’ life energy was directed toward freeing the working class from capitalism. She attributed the inferior position of women and minority racial groups in American society to class inequalities and argued, as Eugene Debs later did, that blacks were oppressed because they were poor, not because they were black. Lucy favored the availability of birth control information and contraceptive devices. She believed that under socialism women would have the right to divorce and remarry without economic, political and religious constraints; that women would have the right to limit the number of children they would have; and that women would have the right to prevent Alegalized” rape in marriage.
ALucy Parsons’ life expressed the anger of the unemployed workers, women, and minorities against oppression and is exemplary of radicals’ efforts to organize the working class for social change.”
AFrom the preface
Lucy Parsons, who the Chicago police considered Amore dangerous than a thousand rioters,” was an early American radical who defied all the conventions of her turbulent era as an outspoken woman of color, writer, and labor organizer. Parsons’ life as activist spanned the era of the Robber Barons through the Great Depression, during which she actively campaigned and organized for the emancipation of the working class from wage slavery. Parsons courageously led the defense campaign for the AHaymarket martyrs,” including her husband Albert Parsons. Ashbaugh’s biography takes a giant leap toward reinterpreting the role of women in American history.
In this long-awaited book, Claudio Lomnitz tells a groundbreaking story about the experiences and ideology of American and Mexican revolutionary collaborators of the Mexican anarchist Ricardo Flores Magn. Drawing on extensive research in Mexico and the United States, Lomnitz explores the rich, complicated, and virtually unknown lives of Flores Magn and his comrades devoted to the "Mexican Cause." This anthropological history of anarchy, cooperation, and betrayal seeks to capture the experience of dedicated militants who themselves struggled to understand their role and place at the margins of the Mexican revolution. For them, the revolution was untranslatable, a pure but deaf subversion: La revolucin es la revolucin -- "The Revolution is the Revolution." For Lomnitz, the experiences of Flores Magn and his comrades reveal the meaning of this phrase.
The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magn tracks the lives of John Kenneth Turner, Ethel Duffy, Elizabeth Trowbridge, Ricardo Flores Magn, Lzaro Gutirrez de Lara, and others, to illuminate the reciprocal relationship between personal and collective ideology and action. It is an epic and tragic tale, never before told, about camaraderie and disillusionment in the first transnational grassroots political movement to span the U.S.-Mexican border. The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magn will change not only how we think about the Mexican Revolution but also how we understand revolutionary action and passion.
Someone once said that it is easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine the end of capitalism. Michael Albert would disagree.
Realizing Hope offers a speculative vision of a future beyond capitalism - an alternative to the exploitation of human labour, the unchecked destruction of the earth, and the oppression of all for the benefit of the few. Participatory economics - parecon for short - is Albert's concrete proposal for a classless economy, developed from anarchist principles first introduced by Kropotkin, Bakunin, Pannekoek and others. In this classic text, Albert takes the insights and hopes of parecon and enlarges them to address all key aspects of social life and society - gender, culture, politics, science, technology, journalism, ecology, and others. Realizing Hope provides vision to help us all together conceive a world that might be just over the horizon, a world we can begin building today.
(13)In 1892, Alexander Berkman, Russian émigré, anarchist, and lover of Emma Goldman, attempted to assassinate industrialist Henry Clay Frick. The act was intended both as retribution for the massacre of workers in the Homestead strike and as an incitement to revolution. Captured and sentenced to serve a prison term of twenty-two years, Berkman struggled to make sense of the shadowy and brutalized world of the prison—one that hardly conformed to revolutionary expectation.
