(12)America's most famous anarchist.
¿Qué es la propiedad? abraza los fundamentos del anarquismo del siglo XIX, sin presentar los matices de violencia que luego se adosaron a la doctrina. Si bien algunos de sus sucesores no coincidieron con Proudhon, en cuanto a la posibilidad de eliminar los abusos de la propiedad, sin las convulsiones traumáticas de una revolución sangrienta, lo cierto es que en esta obra encontramos, explícita o implícitamente, la esencia de todo el anarquismo: la idea de una sociedad libre unida por asociación que pone los medios de producción en manos de los trabajadores.
The first comprehensive collection of Gustav Landauer’s writings in English, this valuable addition to the history of anarchism in the early 20th century gathers more than 40 influential works by one of Germany’s most prominent radical agitators. The readings presented here cover Landauer’s entire political biography, from his early anarchism of the 1890s and his philosophical reflections at the turn of the century to the subsequent establishment of the Socialist Bund and his tireless agitation against the coming Great War. Additional chapters on war and nationalism, the United States and Mexico, and opinion pieces and personal letters reveal the further scope of Landauer’s thinking with pieces on corporate capital, education, language, and Judaism.
(8)In this provocative history, Mike Davis traces the car bomb’s worldwide use and development, in the process exposing the role of state intelligence agencies—particularly those of the United States, Israel, India, and Pakistan—in globalizing urban terrorist techniques. Davis argues that it is the incessant impact of car bombs, rather than the more apocalyptic threats of nuclear or bio-terrorism, that is changing cities and urban lifestyles, as privileged centers of power increasingly surround themselves with ‘rings of steel’ against a weapon that nevertheless seems impossible to defeat.
(1)Hoy en día, un aura maligna parece rodear todo lo que tiene que ver con la Propiedad Privada. Desde que los primeros profetas del colectivismo moderno mostraron al mundo su verdad incuestionable, el concepto de la Propiedad Privada ha visto como se corrompía año tras año, hasta el punto de que sólo unos poco se atrevían a defender en público las virtudes de un orden social basado en la Propiedad Privada. Robert LeFevre fue uno de esos héroes que levantaron la voz ante el inminente manto de oscuridad colectivista que amenazaba engullir al planeta. En La Filosofía de la Propiedad, LeFevre comienza explorando las raíces de las relaciones de propiedad, continúa profundizando en los fundamentos filosóficos y morales que rodean al concepto de Propiedad Privada, y acaba proponiendo el único orden social coherente con la naturaleza humana. Con el estilo claro, directo y despojado de prejuicios que siempre caracterizó a Robert Lefevre, La Filosofía de la Propiedad es un proyectil intelectual que no deja indiferente a nadie.
(25)In the 20th century Murray Rothbard was known as the state's greatest living enemy, and The Anatomy of the State is his most succinct and powerful statement on the topic, a daring evidence of how he came to wear that designation proudly.
He explains what a state is and what it is not. He shows how it is an institution that purports to hold the right to violate all that we otherwise hold as honest and moral, and how it operates under a false cover now and always. He shows how the state wrecks freedom, destroys civilization, and threatens all lives and property and social well-being.
The essay is seminal in another respect. Here Rothbard binds together the cause of private-property capitalism with anarchist politics — truly the first thinker in the history of the world to fully forge the perspective that later came to be known as anarchocapitalism.
He took all that he had learned from the Misesian tradition and the liberal tradition and the anarchist tradition to put together what is really a new and highly systematic way of thinking about the entire subject of political economy and social thought.
Understanding his point of view has the effect on the reader of putting things together in a way that profoundly changes the way one sees the world.
And Rothbard explains all of this in a very short space — short enough to be read again and again as an inoculation against the creeping disease of statism.
To search for Mises Institute titles, enter a keyword and LvMI (short for Ludwig von Mises Institute); e.g., Depression LvMI
(1)Emma Goldman has often been read for her colorful life story, her lively if troubled sex life, and her wide-ranging political activism. Few have taken her seriously as a political thinker, even though in her lifetime she was a vigorous public intellectual within a global network of progressive politics. Engaging Goldman as a political thinker allows us to rethink the common dualism between theory and practice, scrutinize stereotypes of anarchism by placing Goldman within a fuller historical context, recognize the remarkable contributions of anarchism in creating public life, and open up contemporary politics to the possibilities of transformative feminism.
(4)With 11 chapters by top libertarian scholars on all aspects of defense, The Myth of National Defense, edited by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, represents an ambitious attempt to extend the idea of free enterprise to the provision of security services. It argues that "national defense" as provided by government is a myth — not unlike the myth of socialism itself. Defense services are more viably privatized and replaced by the market provision of security.
About this collection, Hoppe's writes, "Even aside from day-to-day security risks, the reality of terrorism and its resulting mayhem has demonstrated the inability of government to provide adequate security against attacks on person and property. The lesson of September 11 is indisputable: government had not only failed to act as a guardian of security and protection but had actually been the primary agent in creating insecurity and exposure to risk, and, moreover, did not achieve secure justice once the crime had been committed. However, this was not the lesson that was drawn from the affair. Instead, the political elite successfully exploited public fears to vastly increase government spending, central credit inflation, bureaucratic management, citizen surveillance, regulation of transportation, and generally wage an all out attack on liberty and property."
To search for Mises Institute titles, enter a keyword and LvMI (short for Ludwig von Mises Institute); e.g., Depression LvMI
‘Pedagogical imperatives also come to the fore within Emeterio Diez’s discussion of the role of film in the Spanish Revolution and Civil War. The films of the CNT-FAI, in addition to having performed the traditional functions of agitation and propaganda traditionally embraced by a political faction during wartime, are now important documents that illuminate the anarchist experiments in self-management during the early days of revolutionary upheaval. Diez’s discussion of the anarchist “socialisation” of the Spanish film industry — particularly attempts to assert workers’ control over the realms of production and exhibition — is the most complete treatment of the subject I am aware of. While Diez ultimately pinpoints major contradictions that stymied the socialisation process (which included internecine conflicts among the anarchists themselves and the cinemas’ dependence upon Hollywood film which clashed blatantly with the CNT-FAI’s revolutionary ethos), his article nevertheless chronicles a seminal utopian moment in the history of the anarchist movement.’
Richard Porton, author of Film and the Anarchist Imagination, teaches cinema studies at New York University, writes on film for a variety of publications, and is on the editorial board of Cineaste.
ANARCHIST CINEMA DURING THE SPANISH REVOLUTION AND CIVIL WAR — with appendices on Armand Guerra, Aranda’s ‘Libertarias’ (a review by Andrew Lee), and a general database on anarchist films by Santiago Juan-Navarro. These articles first appeared in Arena 1 (2009), Editor Richard Porton
Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) was an influential Egyptian ideologue credited with establishing the theoretical basis for radical Islamism in the post colonial Sunni Muslim world. Lacking a pure understanding of the leader's life and work, the popular media has conflated Qutb's moral purpose with the aims of bin Laden and al-Qaeda. He is often portrayed as a terrorist, Islamo-Fascist, and advocate of murder. This book rescues Qutb from misrepresentation, tracing the evolution of his thought within the context of his time. An expert on social protest and political resistance in the modern Middle East, as well as Egyptian nationalism, John Calvert recounts Qutb's life from the small village in which he was raised to his execution at the behest of Abd al-Nasser's regime. His study remains sensitive to the cultural, political, social, and economic circumstances that shaped Qutb's thought-major developments that composed one of the most eventful periods in Egyptian history. These years witnessed the full flush of Britain's tutelary regime, the advent of Egyptian nationalism, and the political hegemony of the Free Officers. Qutb rubbed shoulders with Taha Husayn, Naguib Mahfouz, and Abd al-Nasser himself, though his Islamism originally had little to do with religion. Only in response to his harrowing experience in prison did Qutb come to regard Islam and kufr (infidelity) as oppositional, antithetical, and therefore mutually exclusive. Calvert shows how Qutb repackaged and reformulated the Islamic heritage to pose a challenge to authority, including those who claimed (falsely, he believed) to be Muslim.
(73)In this groundbreaking and revolutionary essay, Thoreau explains that the individual conscious must be employed before the collective will. Governing bodies tend to be more harmful than helpful and it is left to us, the people, to regulate and protect those that need our help. This work has inspired some of history's greatest minds from Gandhi to Tolstoy from Hemingway to Martin Luther King Jr.
